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Through immersion in the race and/or ethnic group, one theoretically develops a sense of pride that will inoculate one against the injustices that do exist These models assume that by virtue of your parentage and phenotype, you will be embraced, mentored, and empowered These models theoretically make sense, and in the era they were produced the end of the civil rights era or the third quarter of the twentieth century they worked for most of the people deemed visible minorities However, they perpetuated the invisibility and marginality of persons of mixed heritage who were not conceived from rape, slavery, or war Inadvertently, many of them historically have become the oppressors of mixed heritage persons who do not conform to rules of hypodescent (ie, assignment to the group, and only one group, of the lowest social status).

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Notwithstanding admiring these works and the people who have produced them, I also noticed that my experience and many of my friends experience did not t Born in the Korean War era in the Philippines of a Filipino mother and a white American father, this complexity of juxtapositions (ethnicity, race, nationality, colonialism, gender, and class) allowed me an outsider vantage from which to examine the models that have been so foundational to some of the work on racial and ethnic identity For many of us who are of mixed race, even in communities to which our families belonged or were assigned, we were intruders or suspected as potential betrayers of the race To belong, we had less room in which to express our individuality or the unique way in which blending in uenced us Thus, we did not have guaran-.

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Women now make up the majority of people earning doctorates in psychology and most especially in the applied areas of psychology such as clinical, counseling, and school psychology (American Psychological Association, 2000a, 2003a; Snyder et al, 2000) Although women are now the majority of new psychologists, their salaries and status within the profession are not on par with those of men For example, of the full-time employees in academic psychology, men are much more likely to hold the rank of full professor (45% of all male professors) relative to women (27% of all female professors) according to the American Psychological Association Task Force on Women in Academe (Kite et al, 2001) Furthermore, of these full time academics, men are much more likely to have the status and job security of tenure (68% of male faculty) than women (44% of female faculty).

These gender differences also surface in salary as well Women academic psychologists earn 84% of what men earn (National Center for Education Statistics, 1993) Given the fact that more and more women are entering the field of psychology, it is likely that these gaps will narrow in the future However, Kite et al (2001) warns that this alone will unlikely result in more equitable salary, status, and professional advancement for women The American Psychological Association Task Force on Women in Academe offer a variety of recommendations for improving women s success in academia at all levels of academic decision making (eg, university presidents, provosts, deans, department chairs) and can be found in the American Psychologist task force summary article by Kite et al (2001).

interest and support by the APA decided to leave the organization and form the American Association of Clinical Psychologists (AACP) in 1917. This separation did not last and in 1919, the AACP and APA agreed to a reconciliation of sorts and the AACP rejoined the APA as a clinical section.

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